Social Security has 6 years left. The fix that sounds cruelest may be the smartest

Social Security is six years away from bankruptcy. That’s not a prediction in an actuarial footnote, but the finding at the top of a new Penn Wharton Budget Model (PWBM) report released Thursday that suggests the program’s Old Age and Survivors Insurance Trust Fund is on track to be depleted by 2032.

The first solution lawmakers might take—raising taxes—may just be the wrong move.

That’s the stark, counterintuitive conclusion of PWBM researchers Seul Ki “Sophie” Shin and Kent Smetters, who simulated five different reform scenarios from full taxes to full cuts and found that the approach that most traditional analysts consider politically radioactive — deep welfare cuts — produced the strongest long-term economic growth.

Running the numbers through a standard accounting lens, the high-tax plan called Option A looks like a winner. It would delay bankruptcy from 2032 all the way to 2058 by raising the payroll tax rate by one percentage point (to 13.4%), raising the taxable income cap to $250,000 (from $184,500 in 2026), and moving to a slower inflation index to adjust for the cost of living.​

Turn to dynamic economic models—models that track how people actually change their saving and working behavior in response to policy—and the picture flips. Option E, the most aggressive benefit cut plan (no new taxes, deeper formula cuts and raising the retirement age to 69), projects GDP growth of 6.1% and private capital growth of 13.5% by 2060. Option A is a heavy tax plan, with GDP growing by only 2.4% and private capital growing by 4.4% during the same period.​

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The mechanism is simple: Tell Americans their Social Security checks will be smaller, and they’ll save more themselves. Smetters and Sheen call this a “savings incentive.” More private saving means more capital is available for productive investment, pushing up wages. By 2060, wages under Option E are expected to rise 5.7%, while wages under Option A will rise only 1.6%.​

smetters told wealth His goal in this exercise is not to make recommendations but to present “a range of options.” He added that if he had to guess, most people would prefer option C, which is in the middle, but he left that to the political process. His job is to “present the full spectrum of the trade-offs of options without bias.”

Still, for critics who say the math in this analysis is cruel, he makes the point that the cruelest approach might be the one mandated by current law, which would see benefits cut immediately in just six years. This means that someone who retires after seven years will see their benefits reduced by $2,500 to $2,700 per year, while Option E of the PWBM (the most severe scenario) will reduce benefits by $2,300 per year (women) and $2,500 per year (men).

Even that comparison masks a lot of the pain retirees face under current laws, Smythes said. Once the trust fund is depleted, current law will cut benefits for all retirees, even the proverbial 90-year-old grandmother. His option E, on the other hand, would focus on alleviating the pain of new retirees in their sixties.

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Researchers believe the disconnect boils down to a concept that rarely enters political debate: hidden debt. Under Social Security’s pay-as-you-go structure, today’s payroll taxes flow directly to today’s retirees — a transfer that would carry the same economic drag as explicit borrowing by the Treasury, but would not show up on the federal balance sheet. PWBM estimates that these implicit pay-as-you-go obligations are currently twice the size of the explicit U.S. national debt. If kept according to standard accounting rules, the US debt-to-GDP ratio would be over 300%.​

This is why plans that look good on paper – Plans A and B significantly reduce the official debt-to-GDP ratio – may not perform well in the real economy. They cut explicit debt while preserving implicit debt.​

None of this is free. The gains from aggressive reforms flow primarily to younger and future workers, while current retirees and those nearing retirement absorb the losses. Under Option A, a 60-year-old middle-income earner now loses $30,745 in lifetime value. Under option E, the same person loses $60,970.​

For someone born in 2051, these options would result in lifetime benefits of $42,025 and $81,932, respectively, within the same middle-income bracket.​

But the PWBM report does offer an unexpected piece of good news on the equity front: Achieving the best long-term outcomes for future generations does not always require the worst short-term pain for the current generation. Under Option C, a middle-of-the-road package that combines some tax adjustments with a higher retirement age, most 60-year-olds today would actually have a head start over their lifetimes, even if future generations would gain more than under Option A.​

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Importantly, none of these five options will fully close Social Security’s long-term funding gap. They reduce bleeding, not stop it. Now just one presidential term away from the 2032 deadline, PWBM’s core message is both methodological and political: Decisions made using traditional budget scores will lead lawmakers in the wrong place. The math that drives political consensus is different from the math that determines economic outcomes.

This story originally appeared on Fortune.com

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