Jan 17 (Reuters) – In the 12 days since the United States arrested Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, interim President Delcy Rodriguez has been trying to consolidate his power, installing loyalists in key positions to protect himself from internal threats while meeting U.S. demands for higher oil production.
Rodriguez, 56, a quiet but no-nonsense technocrat who served as vice president and oil minister, appointed a central banker to help manage the economy, a presidential chief of staff and, most importantly, the new head of Venezuela’s feared General Defense Intelligence Agency (DGCIM), a military counterintelligence agency established over decades with Cuban assistance.
Maj. Gen. Gustavo Gonzalez, 65, will now head the agency, a move that three sources with knowledge of the government say is an early step in Rodriguez’s strategy to counter what many in Venezuela say is the biggest threat to her leadership: Venezuela’s hardline Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello, who has close ties to the security services and the feared “Collective” motorcycle gang that has killed opposition supporters.
“She is very clear that she has no ability to survive without the consent of the American people,” a source close to the administration said. “She is already reforming the armed forces, replacing personnel and appointing new officers.”
Interviews with seven Venezuelan sources, including diplomats, business people and politicians, reveal in previously unreported detail the fault lines at the heart of the Venezuelan government and the risks Rodriguez faces as he tries to shore up internal controls while meeting Trump administration rules on oil sales. The sources spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of reprisal.
Rodriguez’s attempt to walk a tightrope was evident in her first major speech since taking office. She addressed parliament on Thursday in her annual address to the country, calling for unity, underscoring her bona fides as Maduro’s loyal deputy and vowing to usher in a new chapter in Venezuelan politics by boosting oil investment.
Venezuela’s Communications Ministry, which handles all media inquiries from the government and individual officials, did not respond to a request for comment for this story.
In response to emailed questions from Reuters, the White House referred the news agency to recent comments made by Trump. Trump told Reuters in an interview on Wednesday that Rodriguez was “very easy to work with” and that he hoped she would visit Washington at some point.
internal competition
Rodriguez, nicknamed “The Czar” for his business ties, has broad influence over the country’s civil levers of power, including the vital oil industry, and is now backed by the United States. That support seemed to be reemphasized Thursday when Rodriguez met with CIA Director John Ratcliffe in Caracas.
The other major faction is led by Cabello.
Cabello, who is also leader of the ruling PSUV socialist party, is a former soldier who has presented a four-hour weekly program on state television for 12 years. In his first public appearance since his arrest, Maduro appeared on screen wearing body armor and surrounded by armed guards, chanting “Doubt is betrayal.”
Four people familiar with the matter told Reuters that Trump administration officials contacted Cabello months before the operation to capture Maduro and have been in touch with him since, warning him not to use security services or collective action to target the opposition.
Cabello, who was jailed in Venezuela for supporting eventual socialist president Hugo Chavez in the 1992 coup, is being prosecuted in the United States, where a $25 million reward is being offered for his capture.
Cabello, who has so far been conciliatory toward Rodriguez, describing them as “very united,” attended Thursday’s national address with Rodriguez and her brother, National Assembly Speaker Jorge. But sources familiar with their relationship told Reuters that Cabello remains the biggest threat to her ability to govern.
In Caracas, security forces are nervous. Hours after Rodriguez was sworn in, there was brief anti-aircraft fire outside the presidential palace, which some feared could be another U.S. attack. Instead, reports suggest it was a miscommunication between the police and the presidential guard that led to the downing of the police drone. The government said the planes were spy drones but did not explain their ownership.
People across the country are reeling from the shock of Maduro’s arrest, unsure whether to be hopeful or frightened. In some places, local Socialist Party branches have asked members to spy on their neighbors and report anyone celebrating Maduro’s fall, according to three party members who spoke on condition of anonymity.
In this tense environment, Rodriguez must convince party loyalists that she is not an American puppet betraying Maduro. She must also stabilize an economy that has seen prices for basic commodities soar since the U.S. attacks and exert some control over the vast network of military-related patronage that has developed over decades of Chavismo rule.
Venezuela has as many as 2,000 generals and admirals, more than twice as many as the United States, a military superpower, and 20 times as many active and reserve troops. Senior and retired officials control food distribution, raw materials and state oil company PDVSA, while dozens of generals sit on the boards of private companies.
Many officials are able to manage their regional fiefdoms as they see fit – ordering soldiers under their command to patrol or checkpoint – and some parts of the country and the capital, Caracas, have seen an increase in security service activity since Maduro’s arrest.
Repression ‘already has a name’
Gonzalez, the new head of the military counterintelligence agency DGCIM, has worked closely with Cabello during his long career in the Venezuelan government, particularly during his two stints as head of an independent civilian spy agency.
However, Gonzalez owes his most recent position to Rodriguez. In 2024, Rodriguez appointed Gonzalez to the top job at state-owned Petroleum Corp., Venezuela’s most important company and the engine of the country’s economy.
Questions remain about how much control Gonzalez can exert over DGCIM. Cabello’s allies within the agency could undermine his influence, three sources familiar with the administration said.
A source with knowledge of the inner workings of the security service said González’s predecessor, General Javier Marcano, had difficulty controlling the agency.
“The character of the Suppressor Boss already has a name… Diosdado.” This person said. “Marcano is coordinating with (civilian) militias and collective organizations, but he has serious difficulties in controlling the general headquarters because his appointment is nominal.”
Reuters was unable to contact Marcano directly and all formal communications with Venezuelan officials are handled through the Communications Ministry, which did not respond to a series of questions related to this report.
Collectives close to Cabello could also bring the country out of control by pursuing a so-called “anarchization” strategy that was initially designed to fend off U.S. intervention but could also target Rodriguez, sources close to the government told Reuters. The strategy would mobilize intelligence and collective efforts to plunge Caracas into chaos.
Cabello may also slow the pace of prisoner releases that Trump has praised. They are moving much more slowly than family and rights groups have demanded, creating potential pressure for Rodriguez.
Outside Venezuela, however, pressure continues to mount on Cabello.
“In order for the Trump administration to achieve a real transition in Venezuela, sooner or later Diosdado Cabello must face American justice,” U.S. Representative María Elvira Salazar said on X this month. “When Diosdado is brought to justice, it will be a decisive step towards Venezuela’s transition to democracy and the release of all political hostages.”
(Reporting by Reuters staff; Editing by Stephen Eisenhamer and Michael Learmonth)